marine sniper

hathcock and his partner burke move to a different place called elephant valley. There mission is to stop any veit cong from coming to that area. along the way there they meat up with a platoon of guys that lead them up there. they become friends and as they leave they wish them luck.

marine sniper

In chapter 5 hathcock describes his past and how when he was a little kid his dad brought home a gun from germany and gave it to him. he also says he hunted with it. later that day back in veitnam he wrote a letter home to his wife.

marine sniper

In chapter 4 hathcock goes back to when he started training for the scout sniper training. he told his trainer that he took 1st in a sniper competition. his trainer saw what he could do and told him he was there best sniper.

marine sniper

In chapter 3 it is a flashback to his marine training. He describes that he had to call all of his officers sir. He also describes how hard his training was. When he returns to the present he is in a helicopter high above the tree tops.

marine sniper

In chapter 2 the sniper describes that a platoon had to go in and chase out the viet cong into his position so he could snipe them. the succeeded and he had to kill 3 men.

marine sniper

In the first chapter the man who is the sniper explains that he had to kill a young boy because he started shooting at him he says in his story that he feels really bad.

john macCain hero

He is true American hero, a man of honor and integrity. John McCain has given his life in selfless service to his country. He has placed the interests of America above those of his party or of popular opinion. He is a protector of the unborn and a defender of the family. He knows how to win a war, how to take care of the troops, and is a friend to the veteran. He has shown sound economic judgment when he called for responsible regulation of Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae and rightly predicted the catastrophic results of doing nothing. John McCain is not one to vote present or stand on the sidelines in times of crisis. You don't have to call John McCain. He is there.
I am proud to vote for someone who is proud of America, someone who talks straight, who does not need a teleprompter to know what he believes, someone who does not associate with self-confessed unrepentant terrorists. I am proud to vote for someone whose economic philosophy resembles that of Ronald Reagan rather than the failed policies of Jimmy Carter -- one who would cut taxes, grow businesses, and cut wasteful government spending.
America needs a man of proven character. America needs a statesman, not a politician. America needs a man of tested experience, not one who needs on-the-job training. When I look at the record rather than listen to the rhetoric, I believe America needs John McCain and I will proudly vote for him Nov. 4.






The senator's five years as a prisoner of war have been widely viewed as heroic. But as he prepares a White House bid, a small group of detractors is determined to expose him as a wartime traitor
By Amy Silverman
Published on March 25, 1999
Craig Willbanks wants you to know that John McCain--former prisoner of war, current senator, White House aspirant--is a traitor, a liar and a wimp.
Subject(s):John McCain, Vietnam War
Willbanks and McCain have never met. The senator probably has never heard of this hunched-over, soft-spoken fellow who served two tours of duty in Vietnam as an Army combat engineer and now lives in a run-down apartment in Mesa.
Craig Willbanks is obsessed with John McCain, and he is not alone.
He is part of a small, nationwide movement hell-bent on convincing the rest of us that in spite of glowing accounts of McCain's valor as a POW, Arizona's senior senator betrayed his country by collaborating with the North Vietnamese, and has been trying to cover up that fact ever since.
Willbanks' mission: "Don't get him elected. Cannot have . . . a traitor in the top position, giving away secrets of the United States."
To that end, Willbanks spends virtually all his free time retyping any Arizona Republic articles that portray the senator in an unflattering light. He intends to post them on the Web, where they'll join a pile of documents that, Willbanks insists, proves McCain collaborated with the Communists during his five years as a POW.
Willbanks has a paying job, as a bus driver for the City of Mesa. But he was recently reassigned to drive an adult day-care van. He's excited about it; the older people will want to talk about war history, and he can give them packets of information he keeps on McCain. He's already given out 15 or so.
"I give them a packet, and they come back and say, 'Well, that goddamn traitor,'" he says.
The "documents" include an article McCain wrote for U.S. News & World Report in 1973, upon his release from prison camp. In the article, McCain admits that he--like many POWs--confessed to war crimes under physical and emotional duress. There's also a transcript of an interview POW McCain did for French television, a story about McCain that appeared in a Vietnamese newspaper, and an account of an interview of McCain by a Spanish psychiatrist.
Willbanks got these documents from retired Army Colonel Earl Hopper Sr. and his wife, Patty, who run a POW/MIA research organization from their home in Glendale. The Hoppers' goal is to force the U.S. government to produce a full accounting of the more than 2,000 men whose bodies have not been recovered from the Vietnam War. Among those men is Earl Hopper Jr., the colonel's eldest son.
Willbanks and the Hoppers believe that live American soldiers were left behind at the end of the Vietnam War, and that McCain is part of the conspiracy to cover it up. McCain has long contended that there is no proof that live Americans remain in Southeast Asia. The Hoppers have gathered a motley crew of local Vietnam veterans and POW/MIA family members to assist in their crusade against McCain, and have hooked up with like-minded vets and POW kin across the country.
One foot soldier for the cause is Roy Kerr, a veteran from Goodyear who researches McCain's business interests full-time. Around New Year's, Kerr hand-delivered anti-McCain packets to syndicated columnist Arianna Huffington, U.S. Representative Henry Hyde and New York Mayor Rudolph Giuliani, who were in town for "The Weekend," a conservative confab at the Arizona Biltmore resort. Kerr packaged the documents in manila envelopes labeled "Veterans for McCain," figuring no one would open a package that said "Veterans Against McCain."
Kerr says he has driven to McCain's home at night to drop copies of anti-McCain literature and "Dump McCain" stickers over the senator's fence. And he's a frequent caller to radio talk shows when McCain is a guest. He proudly provides taped copies of these interviews, bragging that he made the senator stutter. (Barely, if at all.) He does all of this, he says, "to keep myself busy and appease my dislike for McCain."
And then there's Ted Sampley, who publishes a newspaper out of Kinston, North Carolina, called U.S. Veteran Dispatch. Sampley calls McCain the "Manchurian Candidate," maintaining that the Vietnamese brainwashed McCain, then sent him home to do their bidding--which, to Sampley's way of thinking, explains why McCain was instrumental in the nation's normalization of relations with Vietnam.
The POW/MIA zealots are a dwindling subculture. Mainstream society tends to dismiss the Willbankses, Hoppers and Kerrs as sad footnotes to an ugly chapter in American history.
Stanley Kutler, professor of law at the University of Wisconsin and editor of The Encyclopedia of the Vietnam War, calls the behavior of these people "Sick. If it weren't so sick, it would be laughable. These are not nice people. They are the other side in an ongoing uncivil Civil War in America. They would refight Vietnam, criminalize abortion, make public school prayer mandatory, prove that Hillary bumped off Vince Foster, and indict Teddy Kennedy for Chappaquiddick. They are uncivil and intolerant of any views or information they do not share."
Kutler examined the Hoppers' packet, which, along with the "documents," includes political cartoons lampooning McCain, and accounts of testy exchanges between McCain and POW/MIA activists. Aubrey Immelman, associate professor of psychology at St. John's University and the College of St. Benedict in Minnesota, looked at the anti-McCain propaganda, too, and observes